The bombing of the Basque town of Guernica on the 26 April 1937 during the Spanish Civil War led the Basque government to appeal for temporary asylum for their children. The all-party National Joint Committee for Spanish Relief, which had been providing humanitarian aid to Spain, now lobbied the British government to allow some of those children into the country. They were to be supported by the Basque Children’s Committee,and the Spanish 10,551-ton liner Habana was chartered to bring the children.
When they came, they would be coming into Southampton, at least 2,000 of them. On 13 and 14 May, urgent meetings were held to arrange local support, as the Habana was expected to leave Bilbao Sunday 16 May 1937, arriving on Tuesday. Members of the Relief Committee: Henry Brinton, H W H Sams and Dame Janet Campbell MD, met informally on the 13th with clergy, social workers and representatives of “many organisations”, and more formally at the Guildhall on the 14th : “All who are anxious to help in the work of succouring the little refugees are invited to attend this meeting.” (Southern Daily Echo 14 May 1937.) Time was short, and the relief committee wanted to involve as many local organisations as possible.
Alderman Fred Woolley, on behalf of the Rotary Club, offered their assistance. “We are anxious to maintain the reputation of our country and town for hospitality to those who are in difficulties.” He chaired the meeting at the Guildhall. At that meeting, Mr Brinton said that “obviously Bilbao was no place for children, where the horrors of air-raids and food shortage were having their terrible effect on young minds and bodies” (Echo 15 May 1937) Refugees who had already arrived in France had rushed to the canteens “like ravenous wolves.”
The first need was for a temporary quarantine camp: George H Brown of Swaythling Farm offered a well-drained 30-acre field at North Stoneham, on the north of Chestnut Avenue, which was accepted.
H C Cole offered the vacant Moor Hill house at West End, and there were also offers of private homes, although the committee said “it [was] not desired to place the children in private homes.” There was the language barrier, and “it is hoped that, later on, it will be possible for them to return to their homes in the Basque country.” Moor Hill, however, could hold 100-200 children, and Mr Henry Brinton of the Relief Fund said it could be used as a semi-permanent home for children with minor ailments. Many of the children were suffering from malnutrition and “lack of care and comfort,” and the two doctors provided the Spanish Relief Committee would return with the children on the Habana. There would be one adult to every 20 children, who would be able to interpret for them as well as help care for them.
There would be daily bulletins once the children arrived, stating their health and comfort and their eventual removal to longer-term accommodation. There were already offers from Derby and Worthing. The Roman Catholic Church had offered to care for 1,000 children, and the Salvation Army for 400. As most of the children were Roman Catholics, there would be a chapel for them at the camp.
Dame Janet Campbell, a doctor and member of the League of Nations Health Committee, outlined the medical services that would be provided at the camp. The children would all be medically examined and bathed before going to the camp, and there would be a hospital tent there with Red Cross nurses and members of the VAD in attendance. She asked for mackintoshes, simple toys, and volunteers with teaching or nursing experience.
Mr Brinton asked for cars and lorries, fresh vegetables, clothes, shoes, bedding, furniture, ground sheets, towels, and manual labour. Cards were filled in by nearly everyone present, describing what they could offer.
It was the Whitsun bank holiday weekend and there was a lot of work to do. There was the camp to set up: the YMCA, the Scouts, and the Boys’ Brigade would be involved in setting up the camp. . 20-30 members of the Boys’ Brigade “experienced in camping” would help put up the 200 bell tents on Sunday morning. The Hampshire Guiders were holding their annual fete and camp nearby at Stoneham Park, for ten days from 14 May, when they would be taking their camping tests: it was the hope that they could help with sanitary and washing arrangements
Squads of volunteers were preparing Moor Hill house “as a place where children, not ill enough to be in hospital but not well enough to live in the camp, could be cared far,” and as accommodation for helpers. A plea for help scrubbing out the house was met by a flood of offers, including 30 women students from the University. A small party from Salisbury Peace Pledge Union arrived at Moor Hill to help
Men from the Southampton Gas Company and Corporation Water Department worked over the weekend to provide “these essential services” (Southern Daily Echo 17 May 1937)
“A golden field of buttercups” became “an excellently planned camp with the help of the Rotary Club, the Round Table, students, a joint Committee of the Southampton Labour Party, the Trades and Labour Council, the Cooperative Society, and the promised Scouts, Guides and Guiders, and Boys’ Brigade. The 200 bell tents, and a marquee, went up in 3 hours: there were more marquees to come. The Boys’ Brigade were told that what they were doing was “as valuable as attendance at worship.”
On Monday morning (17 May) a lorry arrived from Liverpool with ten tons of camp equipment and provisions: it had been driven through the night. Field kitchens were set up, ready to feed the hard-working volunteers.
“Administrative and clerical workers handled pick and shovel alongside labourers and other manual labourers. In some cases employers worked with employees. It was a fone example of communal effort … It is certain that all will retain pleasant memories … Many of the volunteers … expressed their admiration of the so-called unskilled labourer.” (Southern Daily Echo 18 May 1937.)
Gifts were being left at the entrance gate in Chestnut Avenue, and a depot was provided by Mr C R S Collins, of 145 Desborough Road, Eastleigh. “Nearly three-quarters of a mile of London’s Coronation decorations,” made of heavy woollen material, were given by the Bond Street Coronation Committee, to be used as blankets. The Coronation had taken place just a few days earlier, on the 12 May 1937.
Altogether, there were 300 volunteers at the camp and Moor Hill, and providing transport. The Relief Committee set up their headquarters at 32 Carlton Crescent, the offices of the architect Herbert Collins.
The Round Table were helping coordinate a volunteer car service. You could do a three hour morning or afternoon shift, and if there were enough people you would only need to do one shift a week. Retired people from Southampton, Eastleigh and Winchester would be especially useful.
Amid all the preparation came the news that there was a delay in the Home Office authorising the reception of the children in England: it was hoped they would arrive on Saturday. In the meantime the Habana evacuated 4000 refugees of all ages to Bordeaux, before returning for the 1,100 girls and 900 boys who would be using the North Stoneham camp.
In fact, the Committee were now putting pressure on the Home Office to allow 4000 children to enter the country immediately. A doctor (Richard Ellis) working in Bilbao said that conditions were now “intolerable” there, and was planning to fly to London to put his point across to officials. On Tuesday, the day the children were supposed to be arriving, they were still in Bilbao, and the Habana was on her way back from Bordeaux. When she arrived, all 4000 children would be taken aboard. If the Home Office would not allow all of them into the country, 2000 would be disembarked at Bordeaux, and the rest brought to Southampton “during the weekend” (Southern Daily Echo 18 May 1937) The French had already accepted between 16,000 and 18,000 refugees, both adults and children, many of them able to support themselves.
The Relief Committee were going to extend the refugee camp at North Stoneham “in case last minute sanction for 4,000 is obtained, and we have to cope with that number next week-end.” There were still unmet needs, in particular a caravan or hut for the use of the VAD nurses and as a medical examination room. Carpenters and others were still working at the camp in the evenings. The Committee had moved their temporary office from 32 Carlton Crescent to the League of Nations Union Office in College Place, London Road.
The Dr Ellis would be flying back to Bilbao to rejoin the Habana, and it was hoped that would be able to speak at a mass meeting in the Guildhall on Friday 21 May.
On Wednesday, the headlines were : “Basque Camp to be doubled.” (Southern Daily Echo 19 May 1937.) The young doctor’s advocacy at the Home Office had been effective, the Home Secretary had changed his mind, and all 4000 children were coming to England.
While this was good news, it did mean that the same number of volunteer “shock workers” as had toiled over the Whitsun weekend would be needed, only now fewer would be available in the daytime, and most would be working evenings after work. Letters and handbills were prepared, proof-read, duplicated and sent out. Volunteers who could not cycle to the camp could meet at the Civic Centre between 5.30 and 6.30pm for transport to North Stoneham.
The first job at the new camp was to dig trenches for more latrines. Urgent telephone calls had been put through to the War Office for more tents (the Liverpool supplier would take too long,) and if anyone had tents they could lend, they would be gratefully received, as well as caravans and huts. Yet more furniture and clothing, including for Moor Hill “camp beds, bed-settees, chair-bedsteads.” Once the children arrived, there was a plea for vegetables. Large quantities could be collected, as four lorries would be available every evening after 5 o’clock, and all day Sundays.
Seventeen depots around town had been opened, including the YMCA Hostel and Swaythling Methodist Hall in Burgess Road. There would be house to house collections in some parts of town.
The Women’s Section of the Southampton Labour Party would sort, wash and mend all the clothing on arrival. Other women were needed to bring needles, stout thread and scissors to the camp to cut up towelling, and make up straw paliasses. More workers were needed at Moor Hill, for laundry and yet more cleaning.
And finally, the mass meeting at the Guildhall on Friday would be looking to the ongoing running of the camp. “If every person in the town who has the cause of the Basque Children at heart decided to attend, the Guildhall would prove absurdly inadequate, but if the hall is so crowded that a large overflow meeting is necessary the organisers will be happy.”

Southern Daily Echo, 17 May 1937

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Moor Hill house, Sunday 16 May 1937: women students from University College, Southampton, scrub and paint.

It is perhaps a reflection of the speed of events that this meeting was not reported as the one a week before had been. The Hampshire Advertiser, 29 May 1937, said 1,000 people had been present, £157 raised , and offers of 50 loaves a week, and Corporation employees to help with the laundry received. Rowntrees had promised to give every child in the camp a piece of chocolate daily for a fortnight. The Lord Mayor of London was asked to start a national appeal fund for the care of the “4000 children – who will remain in the country for the duration of the civil war.” The War Office was lending more camping equipment, which was on its way from Didcot.
A week before the Relief Committee had known little of Southampton and its district, and now there was so much organised. The camp’s director, W H W Sams, was working night and day, as was Mr Brinton. Help had come forward “almost every hour of the day.”
A camp volunteer committee was formed, with Mr Sams as chairman, and Mr L Witt as secretary. Sanitation and general maintenance were in the hands of Mr R W Jones and Councillor P Blanchard; the night guard and boundary patrol were the responsibility of Messrs P Jones, Benham, Osgood and Knight; and the orderlies in charge of the stores, car park, visitors, etc would be looked after by Messrs Abbott and Cooper.
The equipment from Didcot had arrived on Friday morning. The Boys Brigade and Scouts would be helping, again, with the tents, and work was waiting to be done by carpenters, plumbers and labourers: another row of cookers needed to be installed, and extra drainage dug. More depots had been set up for donations in Winchester.
They would need at least 100 volunteers a day during the first week at least, especially at meal times: a meeting to draw up a rota at the camp was planned for Saturday afternoon.
News came that it was hoped the children would be able to embark between 8 and 10pm on Thursday 20 May, and were expected to arrive late on Saturday 22 or early Sunday 23. Members of the Relief Committee began looking for a “high-powered launch” to take them to the Habana when she arrived off the Needles. It would have to stand by from Saturday night until Monday morning.
The BBC were going to send “a special van to Southampton Docks” to broadcast “a running commentary on the arrival of the Habana” (Southern Daily Echo 20 May 1937.)
Dr H C Maurice Williams, Southampton’s Medical Officer of Health, was getting his staff ready for the huge task of examining every child before they could leave the ship and enter the country, a task that was expected to take two days to complete. Access to the dock and to the ship would be strictly restricted to essential personnel, who had to apply to the Health Department at the Civic Centre for passes on the Saturday. Anyone given a pass would be “under medical surveillance for a short time.”
Dr Williams’ team would consist of nine medical officers, health visitors (trained nurses) and sanitary inspectors, all from his own department. If children were “verminous” they would be given disinfectant baths, and barbers would be on hand to crop their hair. If they needed medical attention, they would be taken to special wards at the Borough Hospital, the Royal South Hants, or the Infectious Diseases Hospital, as appropriate. If they passed the examination, they would be taken by coach to the North Stoneham camp in batches.
Dr Williams asked the public to stay away: “Many, I know, will wish to give the children a welcome, but big crowds will impede [our] work and, should there be infection of any kind, make our task … very much more difficult.”
The Home Office was sending an Immigration Officer to oversee the disembarkation at Southampton. There would be a form completed for each child: full name, date of birth, parents, last permanent address, next of kin, where they were going after the camp. There was space for the names and reference numbers of their brothers and sisters if they had come together.
A letter to the Echo, 19 May, had pointed out that the children spoke Basque, “which differs from Spanish as much as Welsh does from English,” so Spanish interpreters would be of little use, but Mr Brinton said “the percentage of people in Bilbao who spoke Spanish is about the same as the percentage of Cardiff people who speak English.”
The Habana finally left Bilbao at 6.40am 21 May, in the pouring rain, with crowds waiting to see her go. Having said goodbye to their families the night before, seven special trains had brought the children to the dockside to go straight onto the liner. “Children were everywhere, huddled on the floors, in nooks nad corners, sleeping peacefully on pillows and mattresses in passages and saloons, or peeping their tousled heads through portholes and railings. Some … were scampering excitedly up and down the ship, playing hide and seek, or exploring the novelties of an ocean liner.” (Southern Daily Echo 21 May 1937) The Basque President, Jose Antonio Aguirrre y Lecube, went on board to say goodbye.

Southern Daily Echo, 24 May 1937

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Peeping through a porthole at Southampton.

Mr Brinton’s plea for a fast launch to take him to meet the Habana had been answered by the RAF, and as soon as the vessel was sighted off the Isle of Wight there would be a radio message, he would be taken to join her at Fawley to discuss last-minute plans with the Captain and Mrs Leah Manning, the Committee’s representative on board. Mrs Manning had sent a telegram: “Trying re-check children. Had air raid. Caused many miss boat. Severest sickness on record.”(Southern Daily Echo 22 May 1937) The last sentence led officials to imagine an outbreak of some infectious disease: in fact, a lot of the children were just very seasick. A further story that a steam yacht had picked up the children left behind and was trying to catch up with the Habana also proved to be untrue: she was taking other refugees to Bordeaux. Bombs had fallen that evening, but before the children had boarded.
The Habana was expected off the Needles at 5pm, and off Fawley at 7pm, when she was met by two launches, one with Mr Brinton on board, and another with Dr Williams and his medical team, Immigration and Customs Officials. On Saturday it was reported that she would also be met by a tug “laden with milk, glucose, bread, meat extract, cocoa and other foods”: it was rumoured that there was only black bread and beans to eat on board, although the children later remembered white rolls as big as two days’ rations, and coffee with milk in it, sadly lost overboard.
Demonstrations of welcome such as ships sounding their sirens, or crowds on the quayside, were discouraged. Crowds would be in the way, and sirens too much like air-raid warnings.
Back at the camp “ almost every minute … brought a fresh problem… Tents were still being erected with feverish haste.”
The liner lay off Fawley for the night, before coming in to Berth 106 in the New (Western) Docks shortly before 8am. The children crowded on deck, full of excitement, although surprised how flat Southampton’s landscape was.

Southern Daily Echo, 24 May 1937

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The Habana as she came alongside, her decks crowded.

The Captain, Ricardo Fernandez, and his crew had hardly slept for 48 hours. Six children had slept in his cabin, and five in the chief officer’s cabin. “Wherever they saw a door they opened it, and of course, we would not have thought of turning them out.”
“Within an hour disembarkation started.” (Southern Daily Echo 24 May 1937.) The planned medical examination took place on board, the children were labelled and went ashore to the Corporation baths on the Western Esplanade for a hot bath and a change of clothing before boarding Hants and Dorset buses for the camp. En route “there were many friendly waves and cheers for the children,” and a collection for sweets and biscuits. Only a few needed hospital treatment, and most were surprisingly well: “all they need now is plenty of nourishing food, rest and quiet.” Dr Williams gave a full account in the Annual Report of the Port Medical Officer 1937

Southern Daily Echo, 24 May 1937

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At the Corporation Baths. Time for a haircut (not everyone was happy with this).

At 4pm Sir John Simon, the Home Secretary, his wife and an entourage of officials from the Home Office and the Ministry of Health arrived, to walk around the camp for an hour talking to the children in recently learned Spanish and praising the volunteers, before heading for the Docks.
While there were no crowds at the Docks, there were at the camp: “crowds of curious folk drove up … bringing impossible offers of help, or merely arriving to gaze.” The weekly Hampshire Advertiser, 29 May, called “an almost unmixed nuisance.” Someone thought to pass around big enamel bowls (all contributions gratefully accepted) for a “rich harvest” of £5 in pennies, promptly spent on milk for the children.
Preaparations for the evening meal were interrupted by a thunderstorm, and mackintoshes were hurriedly distributed as the children ran for shelter. The last group to arrive from the Docks were twenty-two little girls who spent the night in the Eastleigh vicarage sheltering from the rain. By 8 o’clock on Sunday night there were only 800 refugees left on board the Habana.
Overnight, said an official, “patrols went round to succour any children who might have been too exhausted to find shelter in a tent, but we did not see any. We spent most of the night comforting some of the children.” (Southern Daily Echo 24 May 1937)
A repeated concern was for the way the children might react to aircraft noise, after months of air raids. The children were variously described as terrified and panic-stricken, and as cheering English planes. Planes from the nearby Airport were asked not to fly over the camp.

Southern Daily Echo, 24 May 1937

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Feeding the multitude. Volunteers remembered the heaps of washing up.

Breakfast took four hours on Monday morning: there was only a handful of workers to serve hot milk and bread to nearly 4000 hungry children. The “Echo” reporter found himself helping to carry cauldrons with University students, while the kitchen workers worked “like stevedores.” No-one seems to have thought about how best to serve the food, at first trying a “communal form of feeding” but ending up with the children being served in groups in their tents. The children’s memories of those first days in camp were of confusion and a lack of organisation. There were reports that the children were at times “out of control,” but reading between the lines the adults who were trying to help them were struggling to manage. Little things, like children’s tent numbers washing off their labels in the rain, added to the confusion. The paths were muddy, and the children needed wellingtons and entertainment. There were toys available but more were needed, and one helper suggested that there could be music provided, such a gramophone or a concert party. Mr Percy Oxborrow provided a broadcasting van, for dance band music and for loudspeaker announcements.
Language was the biggest problem: even the well-organised and capable Guides, Scouts and Boys’ Brigade members found it hard to manage the crowds when the interpreters were elsewhere. Mr Brinton’s hopeful statement that most of the children would be able to speak Spanish was only partly true. The younger children, and those from villages, often spoke only Basque, and older children’s Spanish was peppered with Basque terms. But even Spanish was a problem, when most of the volunteers only spoke English.
The buses with the rest of the children began to arrive at about 11am, reuniting brothers and sisters to great joy. Dr Williams and his team had managed to disembark everyone by noon (he had expected the process to take at least two days). “The children helped considerably by acting on instructions promptly, and their discipline impressed everybody who visited the Habana during disembarkation.”
The buses went back to the depot to be disinfected. The drivers and bus conductors had worked, some of them, for 14 hours without a break.
The Hampshire Advertiser, with a few days’ hindsight, noted that “the generous spirit of local folk is above praise; hundreds have been working till all hours of the night, and even if they go out of their way to engage a cook or collect a string of cars which turn out to be unwanted, they take it all most philosophically.” The Round Table had asked for yet more drivers with a few hours to spare between 8.30am and 6pm for the “car and dispatch” service: the more there were, the fewer shifts they would have to undertake, and they seem to have found them. The army of volunteers had been called up, but there seemed to be no overall direction.
By Saturday, the camp administration had employed six workmen under a sanitary steward after Eastleigh Borough Council had overhauled the sanitary arrangements. The Girl Guides had a section of their own at the camp, and were praised by an official as “a disciplined group who take them off our hands entirely…we simply don’t have to bother about that group at all.” The University Students had set up their own committee to send up “batches of men and women who are first-class workers.” The Church Lads’ Brigade had done night patrols. The Corporation Baths and Wash-house staff had done some of the finest work.
The children wrote to their parents, exchanged political slogans, and a few of the boys managed to slip out, either to head for London or to a sweet shop.
400 children had already left for more permanent lodgings: they had been collected by the Salvation Army to go to Congress Hall, Clapton on Wednesday 26, after yet more medical examinations. Other children were going to Roman Catholic convents and religious institutions. It was hoped, at this rate, it would only take three weeks to clear the camp. The Relief Committee “when they have a little breathing space” would be looking for suitable houses to form “colonies” for the remaining children.
Chestnut Avenue was closed to anyone except locals and those on camp business from midday on Thursday. Sightseers had blocked the road every evening, and “induced the children to escape from the camp by plying them with sweets and tobacco.” It had been a difficult decision, as the camp relied on publicity to maintain fundraising and donations. Those gifts were still coming in, into the depots that were still being set up.
The Roman Catholic Bishop of Portsmouth celebrated Corpus Christi on Thursday 27 May.
Dr Richard W Taylor, of St Bartholomew’s Hospital, was in charge of a medical team of three resident and two visiting doctors, a matron and about 30 VADs. Unfortunately, by 12 June, the Hampshire Advertiser was reporting five cases of typhoid (two children taken to hospital on arrival had proved to have typhoid) two of diphtheria and three of measles, and those children had been isolated, and all the others were being inoculated against typhoid. There were still 2,000 children in the camp, and they would be vulnerable to infection for as long as they were there in such numbers. On the other hand, the camp would be in quarantine for three weeks.
The camp was settling to a routine. The Basque government had provided textbooks, and there were lessons in “General Knowledge about England,” arithmetic, and Spanish. There was a cinema showing Charlie Chaplin and Mickey Mouse, and PE, and the camp had its own entertainments manager, actor Neville Towne. It also had its own internal “police force” formed from among the older boys. Later, they would be taken to the seaside at Bournemouth for the day.
There was, of course, still the need for money, food and clothing: “Eggs, chocolate, fruit (all kinds) and vegetables (except cabbage.) Trousers, knockers and vests for boys aged six years and upwards. Girls’ dresses, knockers and vests (ages 8-17), sandals (sizes 1-6) and sun hats. Toys, such as dolls, woolly animals, parasols, mouth organs, mechanical toys and footballs.” (Hampshire Advertiser 12 May 1937) Boxes should be clearly labelled with their contents.
Toys should be sent to Mr Joe Beckett, 233 Winchester Road Southampton.
Eggs could be collected: donors should send a postcard to Mrs Blennerhassett West, All Saints Rectory, or they could be taken directly to the egg-storing depot at A E Turner’s store in London Road.
Mr Sams, who had overseen the frantic early preparations, had had to resign for the sake of his health. Mr Brinton took over for a while, and dealt very effectively in the first fortnight with an exceedingly difficult task, but he was himself not in the best of health. On 6 June the Basque Children’s Committee employed Major Irwin to take charge of the camp. In early July, Major Irwin was replaced by Major Neil Hunter, who remained in charge until the camp closed.
The Relief Committee no longer had an office in College Place, and the running of the camp was now in the hands of the Basque Children’s Committee. For all the hopes that the camp would be empty in three weeks from the 23 May, it did not finally close until Saturday 18 September 1937. The last 220 children left that day, to St Mary’s Bay Holiday Camp, New Romney, Kent.
There were reports of the distress of the children when Bilbao fell 21 June 1937, and their fears for their families. The story of the politics of their repatriation can be found elsewhere: in the Report of the Repatriation Committee in the University of Warwick Digital Collections; in The Repatriation of the Basque Children, by Gerald Hoare and Simon Martinez and in 4000 Basque Child Refugees, by Isabella Brown on the website of the Association for the UK Basque Children.

Further information
The story of the Basque Children did not end when North Stoneham Camp was closed. For more stories, and for original documents and photographs, see:

BCA 37 UK The Association for UK Basque Children was set up in November 2002 and now provides a public and academic resource for the subject of the exile in 1937. The website has lists of the children and the colonies, galleries of photographs and a Reference section of articles. Their archives have been deposited at the University of Southampton

University of Southampton Special Collections
Basque Child Refugee Archives
Telling their stories: Basque Child Refugees

University of Warwick Modern Records Centre
Overview of Aid to Spain
A slideshow of snapshots taken by Eleanor Hickman, a volunteer at North Stoneham Camp
Digital collections of original documents from the Trades Union Congress archive. Includes minutes of the Basque Children’s Committee, reports on the North Stoneham Camp, and statistical data on the gradual evacuation of the camp.

Photographs of staff and children in the garden at the Southampton Home for Basque Children, Moor Hill House, West End:
Hantsphere Heritage in Place, ID4871
Hantsphere Heritage in Place, ID1392

Scrapbook of press cuttings and photographs on the colonies in Worthing Life after North Stoneham Camp.

Further Reading
About the Basque Children
Recuerdos: Basque Children Refugees in Great Britain, edited by Natalia Benjamin.
Recollections of the Basque Children’s Camp, by Amador Diaz Eastleigh and District Local History Society Extended Paper EP03. Download a PDF copy of a Basque child’s memories of the Habana and the camp.
Annual Report of the Port Medical Officer 1937 p 221-225


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